The Chagos Archipelago – Is this the start of a new age?
It is unquestionable that the Chagos Archipelago is part of Mauritius and it’s a position Mauritius will never negotiate on. However, the historic agreement reached in October 2024 between the Labour-led UK government, the Biden-led US administration, and the Mauritian government, allowing the Chagos to be reintegrated into Mauritius while keeping Diego Garcia under a lease and administration agreement with the UK, is a double-edged sword that must be handled carefully.
Mauritius has never garnered as much international attention as it has in recent months because of the Chagos agreement. The country will likely remain a geopolitical flashpoint until the issue is resolved, and possibly well beyond. The agreement has brought Mauritius into discussions at the highest levels of global power, with the world keenly observing how this historic event will unfold.
A quick history
The Chagos archipelago used to be managed as a dependency of Mauritius since the period of French settlement of Mauritius (1715-1810) and it was not until 1784 that the first slaves were brought to Diego, primarily from Mozambique and Madagascar to help in the coconut plantations established by Pierre Marie Le Normand. The African slave population most likely never exceeded 500 people and were seasoned and acculturated in plantation and slave life in Mauritius before being redistributed to smaller islands. They had a shared history, spoke Mauritian Creole and developed their own version of the Mauritian Sega, having arrived enslaved from Mauritius.
When Mauritius became a British colony in 1810 and slavery abolished in 1834, the British sent Indian indentured labourers to the Chagos to replace enslaved workers and the population grew slightly as a result. Like mainland Mauritius, Mauritian culture continued to establish itself on the Chagos islands, extending to the cuisine and other cultural dimensions like crafts, community life and functional clothing. The population reached up to 2,000 individuals, with the population primarily residing in Diego Garcia, Peros Banhos, and Salomon islands.
Forced Deportation of the Chagossian People
During the height of the Cold War, following the Cuban Missile Crisis, the US sought strategic military bases in the Indian Ocean to counter growing Soviet naval influence and manage instability caused by decolonisation. Diego Garcia, part of the Chagos Archipelago, was identified as an ideal location for such a base. Negotiations between the US and UK began, leading to the detachment of the Chagos from Mauritius in 1965 as part of Mauritius’s independence settlement. Reluctantly, pro-independence negotiators in Mauritius agreed to the removal of Chagos from Mauritian territory, resulting in the creation of the British Indian Ocean Territory (BIOT) to facilitate US military interests.
Following this agreement, the UK initiated a forced deportation of Chagossians. Those in Mauritius were denied re-entry to Chagos, while residents on the islands were expelled and relocated to Mauritius and Seychelles, both British territories at the time. Since then, Chagossians have been barred from returning to their ancestral lands, marking one of the most significant human rights violations of the decolonisation era.
Mauritius’s efforts to reclaim the Chagos Archipelago began in 1965 and culminated in a significant milestone in 2017 when the country successfully lobbied the United Nations General Assembly to seek an advisory opinion from the International Court of Justice (ICJ). On 25 February 2019, the ICJ issued its advisory opinion with three key conclusions:
- The detachment of the Chagos Archipelago from Mauritius in 1965 was a violation of international law.
- The UK must relinquish control of the islands to Mauritius.
- The continued occupation of the Chagos Archipelago by the UK constitutes a breach of international obligations.
The ICJ advised the UK to withdraw within six months, but the UK refused, citing its defence agreement with the US over the Diego Garcia military base.
A breakthrough came with the election of the Labour Party led by Keir Starmer in 2024. On 3 October 2024, the UK agreed to transfer sovereignty of the Chagos Archipelago to Mauritius under two key conditions:
- Diego Garcia would remain under British administration on a 99-year lease, allowing uninterrupted US military operations.
- Displaced Chagossians would be allowed to return to the remaining islands if they chose to do so.
The agreement, endorsed by the Biden administration, was heralded as a historic step toward decolonisation. However, it also attracted criticism. Conservatives in the UK and US decried the deal, while opposition voices in Mauritius and within the Chagossian community raised concerns. The election of President Donald Trump has since thrown the agreement into uncertainty, with his administration threatening to veto its implementation.
Storm clouds are gathering over paradise.
The election of President Donald Trump has cast doubt over the Chagos agreement. Early indications suggest the new administration is resistant, viewing the archipelago as too strategically important to be ceded to Mauritius, a small, relatively unknown nation positioning itself as a ‘friend to all, enemy to none.’ This resistance comes amid heightened US-China tensions, with Washington haunted by past political decisions, such as losing military bases in the Philippines. Erroneously, Mauritius is perceived by some in the US as a potential “pawn of China,” exacerbating strategic anxieties.
In the UK, conservative critics have denounced the agreement as “pandering to the left” and lament what they see as the loss of a vital British territory.
In Mauritius, opposition to the deal has weakened under the newly elected Labour-led government. However, divisions within the Chagossian community persist, with one faction advocating for continued association with Britain and another supporting the reintegration of the Chagos into Mauritius. These internal disputes threaten to complicate the implementation of the agreement, further adding to the storm clouds looming over the archipelago.
The age of the underdog
Let’s begin with the Chagossians themselves. For too long, they have been sidelined and rendered almost irrelevant in discussions about their homeland. Yet, they must now become the central focus of this agreement. It is a profound paradox that the most powerful nation on earth is fighting over one of the smallest, most inconsequential pieces of land, a collection of coral atolls with a displaced population of just 2,000.
Philosophically, this moment signals the potential dawn of a new era, an age of formally recognised interdependence, where the underdog’s voice and value are finally acknowledged. Mauritius, a nation that pioneered the economic system of indentured labour in 1834 as a replacement for slavery, stands poised to lead the world once again in building a new model.
This emerging system has the potential to move beyond the exploitative frameworks of the past. It could champion a future that is more respectful, responsible, inclusive, and peaceful, a necessary evolution from the centuries-old systems of domination and marginalisation. Mauritius and the Chagossians together could redefine what it means to correct historical injustices while building a foundation for a more equitable global order.
For Chagossians
Financial reparations for historical injustices must form a cornerstone of the agreement. These reparations should be divided into two distinct funds. The first, a Chagossian Compensation Fund, would focus exclusively on addressing the needs of the Chagossians, whether they choose to remain in Mauritius, return to the Chagos, or settle permanently in the UK. This fund must be rigorously protected against misuse and used to ensure that Chagossians are afforded opportunities to live with dignity and security. The second, a Mauritius Compensation Fund, would symbolically acknowledge the decades of struggle Mauritius has endured to reunite its territory. Funds from the latter should be allocated to projects benefiting mainland Mauritius, Rodrigues, and Agalega, but only after the needs of the Chagossians have been fully addressed.
A significant portion of the Chagossian fund should focus on housing and infrastructure development. A master-planned community in Mauritius, supported by the UK and US, should provide Chagossians with land ownership, modern housing, advanced schools, and a state-of-the-art hospital. This initiative should stand as the most ambitious public housing project in Mauritius’s history, aimed at restoring dignity and prosperity to a long-overlooked community.
Beyond physical infrastructure, comprehensive training programs are essential to upskill Chagossians, enabling them to secure meaningful employment or pursue entrepreneurial ventures. These efforts should be complemented by a guaranteed minimum monthly financial compensation for 20 years, with periodic reviews to ensure sustainability and alignment with community needs.
To address the concern of freedom of choice, dual citizenship must be granted to Chagossians, ensuring they can move freely between Mauritius and the UK. Those choosing to reside in the UK must have access to the same level of financial benefits as those who remain in Mauritius. For those wishing to resettle in the Chagos, comprehensive support is crucial. Infrastructure must be developed on the islands, excluding Diego Garcia, to ensure high-quality living conditions. These islands should be granted special status to prevent unsustainable exploitation, such as large-scale tourism developments, and settlement should be reserved exclusively for Chagossians.
The reparations fund allocated to Chagossians must be sufficient to cover the costs of building the master-planned community in Mauritius, developing infrastructure on the Chagos for resettlement, and compensating those who choose to make the UK their permanent home. Meanwhile, the Mauritius Compensation Fund should serve as a symbolic acknowledgment of the decades of separation endured by the nation.
The ongoing lease revenue from Diego Garcia should be primarily allocated to meeting the needs of the Chagossians. Only after their welfare is secured should the remaining funds be used for broader Mauritian purposes, including Rodrigues and Agalega, under strict governance to prevent reckless spending, focused on poverty eradication in Mauritius. Furthermore, Mauritius must negotiate with the US to support the patrol and protection of its Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), particularly to safeguard its fishing interests, which Mauritius is currently too small to manage independently. Furthermore, Mauritius should negotiate economic capacity building initiatives from the US and the UK to help it further modernise its economy and position itself as an Indian Ocean hub and a gateway to Africa,
By placing the Chagossians at the centre of this agreement, Mauritius can redress decades of neglect and ensure their quality of life in Mauritius surpasses the opportunities provided by British governance. This approach not only addresses opposition within the Chagossian community but also creates a sustainable framework for justice, reconciliation, and progress, honouring the dignity and potential of every Chagossian while reinforcing the integrity of Mauritius as a unified nation.
Alleviating American fears
To address American concerns about geopolitical instability, the new arrangement must include a clear and binding clause that no new military bases will be built on any Mauritian territory, whether on the mainland or its dependencies. Additionally, Mauritius should reaffirm its commitment to being part of a global peace initiative, distancing itself from militarisation and conflict. By framing the issue of the Chagos Archipelago as a symbol of international collaboration, Mauritius could position itself as a leader in a Global Peace Initiative, using the islands as a backdrop for diplomacy and reconciliation.
The cessation of the Chagos Archipelago has the potential to start the reverse the damages of colonialism, fostering a new model of global cooperation and peaceful coexistence. Alternatively, failure to seize this moment risks perpetuating old patterns of division, where colonial powers exploit divides to maintain supremacy, potentially destabilising Mauritius itself.
This is a critical opportunity for Mauritius to turn the page on a painful chapter marked by exploitation, slavery, and uprooting. In its place, Mauritius can champion a future defined by respect, equality, and freedom of choice. While Mauritius will never relinquish its rightful claim to the Chagos islands, the decisions made today will shape whether this resolution builds a better world or merely repeats the mistakes of the past.